Gas and the Suburbs
This piece popped up in my RSS reader as being recommended by Reihan Salam, and I figure it’s worth a few comments. It’s basically a discussion of a book (which I haven’t read) on how the world may look with steadily rising oil prices. So, first of all, there’s this:
In Chapter $8 he foresees the bankruptcy and liquidation (not reorganization) of most of the airlines in the United States and Europe. This assertion is plausible. Most people do not realize that US domestic flight seats have already shrunk 21% since 2001.
For the time being, analysts agree that the airlines, by cutting routes and employees, grounding planes and imposing fees, can weather the downturn. In fact, when the latest round of capacity cuts takes effect in September, the seats on domestic flights will drop to 66.5 million — down from a peak of about 84 million in 2001 and the lowest September figure since 1984, according to OAG Aviation, which tracks flight schedules.
We will, in time, return to 1970s and 1960s levels of air passenger transportation. I do not expect technological advances to prevent this because the aircraft need liquid fuels - no electrically powered substitutes available. Boeing’s much ballyhooed 787 Dreamliner only boosts fuel efficiency 20%. Aircraft fuel efficiency would need to improve by multiples to compensate for Peak Oil and energy substitutes would have to be in the form of liquid fuels. Unless algae genetic engineering solves the problem we’ll do a lot more of our travel on the ground. Robert Rapier has explained better than I can the problems of algae biofuels.
I don’t know much about the potential alternative fuel or airline technologies, but I do know that last year’s oil price spike dealt a serious body blow to airlines. It seems to me that it will be much easier to handle rising oil prices on the ground than it will in the air. Intercity travel is very important, economically speaking, so this is a good reason, in addition to the environmental benefits, to invest in fast intercity rail. Highways are a very poor substitute for air travel.
Next, we have this:
Steiner’s lifestyle preferences are not my own. He celebrates what he sees as an expected return of the suburbanites to cities. Me, I think the people who left cities had good reasons for doing so. I like wide open spaces and I even like some suburbs. A retreat from the rural life and from exurbs doesn’t strike me as a positive development. I think SWPL writers who live in cities do not appreciate that, no, not all people will enjoy cities like they do. City dwellers can be pretty damned provincial. (and why didn’t he mention Vespa scooters?)
There’s a lot wrapped up in this passage. First, its important to recognize that we ought to try and take tastes out of the equation. Preferences will always vary, and given most any set of costs there will be those who prefer living in the country, those who like small towns, those who want to live in the suburbs, and those who prefer an urban life. What’s important is to try and focus on what policy is encouraging and discouraging and whether those policy impacts make any sense. It seems pretty clear that government policy — via things like highway subsidies, mortgage-interest deductions and FHA lending, zoning rules, and so on — has strongly encouraged suburban development over the past half century. The market has therefore provided too much suburban style housing and too little urban housing.
When urbanists like myself argue in favor of better policies, it is (generally) not with the belief that we all should or ever will live in very dense urban environments. Rather, I think that we should improve policy, and that the result will be slightly fewer living in low-density environments and slightly more people living in high-density environments. And it’s worth pointing out that “high-density” can mean many things — everything from Midtown Manhattan, to the walkable rowhouse neighborhoods in the District, to transit-oriented neighborhoods in places like Arlington where dense development around transit hubs rapidly gives way to detached but compact single-family homes. To the extent that any urbanist out there is arguing that everyone must live the condo and Whole Foods life, I’m ready to declare that they’re wrong.
Two other points. Adjustment to costs, including rising fuel prices, will also mean that a lot of traditional suburban areas find it advantageous to develop in smarter ways. We won’t necessarily see a mass migration to urban areas, in other words, but a slow metamorphosis of suburban areas into places that are less dependent on automobiles. And suburban development is increasingly anachronistic given demographic changes. There are clear advantages to having a big house with a yard if you have two or three kids, but the share of households with children is declining and will continue to decline. Part of any shift to a more urban life, in other words, will be a natural result of the aging of the boomers and the increase in the number of singles and childless couples.
But I have a more fundamental disagreement with him over the idea of a coming urbanism: I’m not sure that by his own logic it makes economic sense. In Chapter $16 (yes, he thinks gasoline will go that high - I’ll outline opposing arguments below) he argues that the cost of long range transportation will get so high that more food will be grown and consumed locally. Well, okay. But isn’t that an argument against large cities? New York City needs to bring its food in from longer distances because it has so many people. The amount of land needed to feed them all has to stretch many miles away from it. This is made all the more problematic because NYC borders on fairly built up urban and suburban areas around it that also need to have their food brought it from distant places. So isn’t the high transportation cost argument an argument for the spread of people out to places closer to where the food is grown? In the United States that would be places like Nebraska, Kansas, and the Dakotas.
No. For one thing, we can look back at what America was like when transportation costs were higher and observe that cities were far denser places. Secondly, there are tremendous economic advantages to urban agglomerations; otherwise there wouldn’t be so damn many of them and we wouldn’t live in them, because land out in the boonies is a lot cheaper than land in a major metropolitan area.
If you look at a typical model of economic geography, you see that for very high and very low transportation costs economic activity is widely dispersed, but for costs in between there are gains to clumping. Frankly, I don’t see any oil price that would destroy the advantages of urban agglomeration. Transport will shift to greener modes first, and people will shift more of their consumption toward food for a long, long time before that happens.
The piece then goes on to argue that gas probably won’t hit $20 per gallon, and I think that’s right. In the short term, rising gas prices would send the global economy into a tailspin long before gas went to $20 per gallon in America (as we saw, $4 per gallon was sufficient to wreak significant havoc), and in the long term I think prices far lower than that will be sufficient to push automobiles completely off gasoline. There is some sweet spot such that substitutes for gas or cars develop quickly enough to prevent a price-spike driven recession but slowly enough that a hefty share of the world remains dependent on petroleum where prices might find their way to $20, but I think one direction or the other is far more likely.
And while I certainly leave open the possibility that a clean, affordable biofuel might be developed sufficient to keep internal combustion engines humming for decades, it seems pretty clear to me that what needs to happen is that the transport network needs to be electrified — via increased use of rail and migration to hybrid and the electric vehicles, and the world’s generation capacity needs to be greened. And because high oil prices seem likely to be a persistent damper on economic activity for the foreseeable future, that shift should begin immediately.
July 25th, 2009 at 5:40 pm
“And it’s worth pointing out that “high-density” can mean many things”
That’s something that I found very, very interesting when visiting friends in Germany. There are urban areas there that have a ‘urban’ look to them, people walking, people cycling, extensive public transit, and yet…they are very small cities. I kept thinking the town was a few million people too small to look like what I was seeing. You suggest in America that people might walk more or take transit more someday, and they respond that not everyone wants to live in Manhattan. In Germany people don’t think walking somewhere or taking a train must mean living in the densest most central and most shockingly expensive part of the biggest and most expensive city. You don’t have to live in Berlin, you could live in Bielefeld.
Also, my friends live in very nice apartment buildings in very nice urban neighborhoods, and while I don’t know their finances in detail, to the extent you can even find similar places in the US, they could not possibly afford them. We don’t build such places here, so those who like them bid what there is up to shocking prices. Allow such things to be built, and, sure enough, it becomes ordinary rather than extraordinary.
July 25th, 2009 at 6:18 pm
Some interesting thoughts here. I tend also to be a skeptic of $20/gallon gasoline. At typical crack spreads, that implies something like $650/bbl oil, and as you point out, the sectors that are able to switch to alternative fuels will do so long before those prices.
While oil supply is fairly inelastic (at least, in the areas accessible to IOCs, i.e. the ones that respond quickly to prices), some real demand elasticity starts to kick in at the $120-150/bbl we saw last summer–even in areas without ready transportation alternatives, marginal trips get cut, people carpool to work, switch from a 12/mpg truck to a 20/mpg sedan, etc.
(I’d add, FWIW, that internal-combustion engines powered by natural gas are, at this point, a hell of a lot more proven than are electric motors. The emissions aren’t that different, since on the one hand you have a very efficient combined-cycle plant, but lots of transmission losses, and on the other a less efficient car engine.)
July 25th, 2009 at 7:32 pm
“the transport network needs to be electrified — via increased use of rail”
True for long-distance intercity transit and most high-capacity transit modes. More complex for local urban transit, where the electric trolleybus is also an option.
July 26th, 2009 at 5:18 am
FuturePundit’s claim that high fuel prices will force city residents to decamp to the countryside so we can grow our own food is exactly the nonsense Kunstler has been spewing for years. And being paid to spew at TED. Good to see that claim get fisked.
July 27th, 2009 at 8:04 pm
I don’t see any particular reason the MID is pro-suburban. It applies equally to a Manhattan condo and a Connecticut Exurb. In so much as the MID is the only major component of the federal tax code that is sensitive to cost of living and cities tend to have a higher spatial price index, it could be argued that it is a pro-city policy.
July 29th, 2009 at 5:52 am
Long time reader, first time poster. Keep up the good work. But…
I think you’re misreading the 2nd passage. He says:
“he argues that the cost of long range transportation will get so high … But isn’t that an argument against large cities?”
You bring in a wider model of transport costs and agglomeration economies more generally, dodging the question of long-range food transport costs specifically.
I don’t think there’s any argument that as food transport prices increase, the returns to agglomeration decrease. I think we can all agree that as food transport prices tend toward infinity, everyone must grow their own food.
The argument is about long-range transport, not transport costs more generally. Let transport costs be increasing at a decreasing rate in product and mileage (and their cross, for completeness). What are the comparative statics when increasing the 2nd derivative of cost in mileage, such that the costs of short-range transport are mostly unchanged but long-range costs increase?
I don’t think it’s unreasonable to suppose that if one takes seriously the differences between short- and long-range transport then increasing long-range costs should usually increase dispersion. I haven’t solved it explicitly, so that’s just my hunch.
Now, of course that may be beside the point since long-range transport may be closely tied to transport costs more generally (i.e. all the volatility is in the first deriv. rather than the second), but I think it’s important on principle not to set up a straw man and then knock it down without ever responding to the specific argument advanced.
Your response should be “That’s true, but…”, not just “No.”
August 2nd, 2009 at 3:44 pm
Chris,
Fisking? Not even. You are attacking a straw man version of my argument. I’m pointing out that it is Steiner who is saying we’ll need to eat more local food. Take his logic to its conclusion and NYC becomes untenable.
I personally am skeptical that food transport costs will get so high that local growing is necessary. Read my full post. I expect electrified rail to put ceilings on food freight costs. But I am not certain on that point and am still looking for better evidence as to electrified rail costs.
Ryan,
As for suburbs being subsidized by governments:
- Mortgage deductions apply just as much to brownstones and condos in NYC.
- Gasoline taxes paid a large fraction of the highway costs.
- Hey, it is what people wanted. That political support for suburbs came as a result of popular acclaim. The political market delivered. You might not be happy about it. But it is what the people in this democracy wanted.
When transportation costs were higher: Yes, cities were denser. But they were also smaller. We had fewer people total. We had farms that came up closer to cities. Look at where the farms are now. Food travels further now to get to cities than it did when transportation costs were higher.
That change isn’t just due to air-lifted fruits such as Kiwi fruit from New Zealand. Our population lives further from farms. Our cities and our suburbs have expanded and displaced farms. At the same time we’ve moved to desert areas which have few crops. NYC must get its food from greater distances than it did 100 years ago due both to NYC population growth and population growth around NYC.
If Steiner is right about extremely high transportation costs then people will need to move to small dense places near farm fields. Any place with lousy soil near areas with lots of good soil becomes a good place to build up.