Neoliberal Me

The blogosphere has been swept with talk of this jeremiad on the lack of a true left wing in America’s political discourse. All the most popular lefty bloggers, says Freddie, are neoliberals like Matt Yglesias, Kevin Drum, and Jon Chait. Freddie’s essay is long and touches on many themes, but I’d like to put down a few thoughts on the subject.

One concerns this:

All of this sounds merely like an indictment, but I genuinely have a great deal of sympathy for those young rising politicos and bloggers who are constitutionally disposed to be left-wing. What they find, as they rise, is a blogging establishment that delivers the message again and again that to be professionally successful, they must march ever-rightward. That’s where the money is, after all. For every Nation or FireDogLake, there is an Atlantic or Slate, buttressed by money from the ruling class whose interests are defended with gusto by the neoliberal order. I have followed more than a few eager young bloggers as they have been steadily pushed to the right by the institutional culture of Washington DC, where professional entitlement and social success come part and parcel with an acceptance that “this is a center-right nation” is God’s will. I wish they wouldn’t move in that direction, but I don’t know what great choice many of them have; blogging is an aspirational culture, and there is an endless number of young strivers, emboldened by unexamined privilege and the kind of confidence that can only come from having money you didn’t earn, ready to take the place of those who step out of line.

Now, a good neoliberal would acknowledge that people respond to incentives, but I think there’s an assumption about the way careers proceed here that isn’t necessarily justified. I agree that it’s probably hard to make it in the world of mainstream journalism as a hard core labor-leftist. That’s not to say that there are no outlets available; certainly Dean Baker and Harold Meyerson find their way into print with some frequency. But it doesn’t necessarily follow that to rise in journalism one has to edit one’s worldview in a rightward direction. It seems more likely to me that publications select for compelling and sincere defenders of a neoliberal worldview. It’s a harsh criticism to say that writers sell out their beliefs for a better payday. I don’t doubt that this happens, but in my experience it’s far from the norm. One of the most striking things about the circle of journalists I know is how earnest they are.

That is, you can complain about the things people like Matt write, but I don’t think there’s any cause to doubt that they believe it. And at any rate, when I read Matt I see the blogosphere’s foremost defender of the Scandinavian model of social democracy.

It’s also interesting to me that the alternative, “true” lefty persuasion is one dedicated to the preservation of labor rights. This is an ideological position that doesn’t come naturally to a lot of young left-leaning people for a number of reasons. One is that they look at the empirical evidence and disagree, to some extent, with the notion that the destruction of labor was a cause, rather than a consequence, of broad structural transformations in the economy. (But that probably strikes Freddie as the kind of bullshit an on-the-payroll neoliberal would say.) Another is that younger individuals have had their formative ideological experiences in an era in which labor strength is concentrated in sectors that are either public or dependent on public largesse, and these unions often place themselves squarely in the path of reforms sought by left-leaning writers. I’m sure it was easier to be sympathetic to labor when it was winning limits on truly heinous business practices rather than fighting against merit-based pay for excellent teachers.

And I think that current neoliberals think of themselves as more honestly egalitarian than traditional leftists, based on their international view of developments in human welfare. The past few decades have witnessed an unprecedented reduction in global poverty thanks to liberal reforms in China and India. Countries containing twice the population of the currently developed world are now hurtling toward middle-income status, thanks to trade, thanks to deregulation, and thanks to the introduction of market reforms. The neoliberals I enjoy reading pride themselves on fighting for access to opportunity for the disadvantaged, through reduced barriers to trade with America, increased opportunities for immigration to America, and (in Matt’s case) reduced obstacles to living, working, and starting businesses in America’s most dynamic urban centers. The neoliberal platform strikes me as much easier to understand, from a progressive viewpoint, when considered at an international level. And the traditional labor left, to the extent that it has supported trade and immigration barriers, is in fact a defender of an unforgivably regressive balance of global income.

Freddie closes by saying:

I’m a lefty. I wish I could pretend that I have the intelligence and the perspective necessary to divide my beliefs from my appraisal of the situation, but I have neither. All I know is that I look out onto an America that seems to me to desperately require a left-wing. American workers have taken it on the chin for thirty years. They have been faced for years with stagnant wages, rising costs, and the hollowing out of the middle class. They are now confronted with that and a cratered job market, where desperate people compete to show how hard they will work in bad conditions for less compensation. Meanwhile, the neoliberal policy apparatus that brought us here refuses even to consider the possibility that it is culpable, so certain of its inherent righteousness and its place in the inevitable march of progress. And the blogosphere protects and parrots that certainty, weeding out left-wing detractors with ruthless efficiency, while around it orbits the gradual extinction of the American dream.

I think that this dark view of recent history is significantly overstated. At the same time, I do agree that the real hardships of the bottom half of America’s income spectrum deserve more attention. Their status is under-examined in the press and under-heard in Washington. The problem is, I find it hard to blame the lefty blogosphere for this underrepresentation. I don’t know how many posts Matt and Ezra have written on the dismal state of the labor market over the past two years, but it’s an awful lot. A healthy slice of the left-leaning blogging class has spent the last two years alternatively calling, often passionately, for more action to address unemployment and trying to understand why these calls are getting nowhere. Neither have these bloggers been lackadaisical in drawing attention to and musing on the long-term struggles of American workers.

Freddie’s true left wing might care differently about these problems. It might argue that what’s really needed is a doubling in the minimum wage and strict limits on worker layoffs. But it wouldn’t care more. Matt’s not out there saying that equity prices are rising and profits are high so shit must be cool. On the contrary, he’s out there saying that there should be a government run public-option for depository banking, that unemployment is high across America because of too little stimulus, that climate change is bad, universal health insurance coverage is good, and so on.

I’m for more of a voice for the underprivileged, and for a broader argument within the left over the merits of various policy approaches. I think the “professional left” lacks a proud liberal voice and often goes squeamish when defending real liberal values — but I don’t see this applying to folks like Matt, who vigorously defend redistribution, open immigration, a more humane criminal justice system, a tolerant approach to private behavior, a cautious and humane approach to international diplomacy and military adventures, a commitment to quality public education, a commitment to environmental stewardship, and so on. There’s no running from a brazenly liberal view in order to burnish bullshit centrist credentials.

I suppose I see organized labor as a means, not an end. Some traditional leftists believe that a return to widespread unionization will mean a return to the (in some ways) more egalitarian world that went with it. My sense is that neoliberal writers tend not to agree that unions are an effective means in this way. But that doesn’t mean they’ve changed their view of the desired ends.

Comments

  1. Brett says:

    And the traditional labor left, to the extent that it has supported trade and immigration barriers, is in fact a defender of an unforgivably regressive balance of global income.

    Too true, and I say that as the son of father who is in one of the bigger unions. Too often, what their complaints are really about is that their privileged position in terms of wages and protection is being corroded. That’s what I think whenever I hear about union opposition to free trade agreements, and so forth.

    In any case, Freddie responded over at Yglesias’s blog. Much of his complaint came down to the fact that Matt and friends weren’t unqualified and uncritical supporters of organized labor. That’s just more tribalism, this time from the left, and they can forget about that. We get enough of that crap from movement conservatives.

    It might argue that what’s really needed is a doubling in the minimum wage and strict limits on worker layoffs.

    I’m glad they won’t get this. The last thing we need is to imitate the labor market of Spain, with rampant youth unemployment due to extreme labor market inflexibility. Or Germany, with long-standing unemployment due to the inability to fire anyone without serious difficulty and cost.

    Some traditional leftists believe that a return to widespread unionization will mean a return to the (in some ways) more egalitarian world that went with it.

    I think they’re delusional. That world only existed in a near-autarkic trade environment, where they could push companies that then passed the costs of labor peace on to the customers with ease.

    By the way, it would be nice if Freddie’s variety of leftists actually did some more self-reflection once in a while. Why do they suppose that labor lost its traditional support? Are the Capitalists just that good at convincing people?

    No, it’s because unions have come to be seen as less defenders of the weak, and more as privileged groups using their political pull and resources to carve out niches for themselves at the expense of everybody else. Particularly public sector unions, whose compensation and pensions are bankrupting a number of blue states.

  2. Linda says:

    I agree with the post and the above comment. I grew up in the Detroit area in the 70s and 80s and certainly don’t see unions as some kind of panacea for inequality.

    All in all, the jeremiad offers a remarkably ossified an unappealing version of liberalism.

  3. My first reaction was, “who the $#@! is Freddie DeBoer?”

    Got to admit, that’s still my main reaction.

  4. Ben Ross says:

    As someone who is very pro-labor and much more skeptical of free trade and open borders than Matt Yglesias, I am stupefied by the idea held by Freddie DeBoer (and a throng of Matt’s commenters) that criticism of any government regulation makes you a neoliberal.

    Obviously, the guy who wanted to replace the capitalist state with “an association, in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all” must have been a flaming right-winger.

  5. This post, I think, hits the nail on the head. The relationship between organized labor and the poor is in serious disrepair. Some organized labor leaders (most importantly, Richard Trumka) actually seem to get this–but far too many seem to instead promote what I’ll call the Trickle-Over Theory: If public-sector workers are paid “above market” wages, it will drive up salaries for comparable jobs in the private sector. Much evidence seems to point suggest that this is in fact nonsense, every bit as wrong-headed and self-serving as the Trickle-Down theory promoted by the wealthy. And unlike the wealthy, whose names appear on the paychecks of many Americans, there is far less (perceived) alignment between the interests of your average unionized bus driver, and the guy whose daddy worked for a union once before the factory closed down and is now checking stock at WalMart.

    As a progressive, I find this whole thing sad. But the ship sailed long ago.

  6. George Arndt says:

    This may be a little off topic, But there is a real question whether the economic growth of the developing world is sustainable. India, China and Brazil are taking the “slash and burn” approach to economic development. Despite a growing middle class, the poor in many of these countries are as bad off as ever. In India and Brazil, public infrastructure is still a mess. Ultimately, it is the damage done to the developing world’s environment which will be their undoing. China has had a massive increase in acid rain, growing crop failures and have built a massive damn on Major Earthquake fault.
    These are things which most neo-liberals fail to take into account.

  7. If public-sector workers are paid “above market” wages, it will drive up salaries for comparable jobs in the private sector. Much evidence seems to point suggest that this is in fact nonsense, every bit as wrong-headed and self-serving as the Trickle-Down theory promoted by the wealthy.

    Can you link to the evidence supporting the first half of your statement?

  8. AWC says:

    I think the problem is the absence of a countervailing power, as J.K. Galbraith called it. Unions do other things besides control the labor market; they are political actors that counter the corporate agenda.

    Neoliberalism may be correct from a policy perspective, but it has no base of action. It leads to a Democratic Party of individuals fighting a GOP composed of churches and powerful corporate entities with no limits on their spending.

    So I suppose I’d say that neo-liberals need to construct a new civil society that fits within their ideology.

  9. Console says:

    The people (outside of right wing ideologues) I deal with that are hostile to unions are white collar workers who are invested in their own individuality. Marketing yourself, moving from job to job getting the best salary and benefits, those are the lives these people lead. The benefits of collectivization don’t benefit people like that. Likewise, when they see things that ask the same of other people, they don’t see the problem with it. Take the example in this post about merit pay. Sounds reasonable, but unions don’t like it because it undermines collectivization. Any problem in the merit system, necessarily pits those that benefit from it against those that it punishes and causes strife in the union. Unions ended up with seniority systems for a reason.
    I don’t know how you can turn these competing interests around. Can’t say I’m different. I personally was ambivalent about unions until I got a union job.

  10. lark says:

    Looking down on unions is a middle class luxury that will shrivel with the middle class itself.

    I worked for a big tech company that pushed so many jobs overseas that huge facilities were sold. That axe came for precisely those individualist white collar types who looked down on unions.

    The problem with Avent’s message is that it doesn’t fit reality. The labor critique of globalization is turning out to be true. Countries with higher rates of unionization have a better record of maintaining employment during the recession. The USA is by far the worst among the G7.

    Neo-liberals who pride themselves on reducing poverty abroad, and use that to justify crushing the middle class in the USA, will either fan the flames of a fascist populist backlash or will be defeated by a populist left movement. Either way, their position is a total loser in electoral politics, even as it feeds populist forces.

  11. Ben says:

    I just want to say that I don’t agree with teacher unions on much, but I think most union leaders who don’t like merit pay actually think it is a bad idea. And I think they are right. The problems with merit pay for teachers are too numerous to mention in a blog comment, but reducing all of education to a multiple choice test is one, presuming that teachers should work in autonomous isolation (how do you reward a team?) is another, and thinking that teachers are motivated primarily by money is a third. I don’t believe in teacher tenure, and think that the fact that poor teachers don’t lose their job is a larger problem than that they are getting the same size raise as someone else.
    I agree with Ryan’s larger point that lefties in their 20s and 30s are not as pro-union as lefties from the 1960s or 1920s, based on empirical evidence in our lives (I’m one of them).
    I just take exception to so called merit pay for teachers being seen as something that one should obviously agree with despite union objections.

  12. jack lecou says:

    I think some of this tension might be relieved by acknowledging some of the very real limitations of neo-classical economics.

    “Merit pay”, for example, is almost certainly a very bad idea entirely on its own terms. Cognitive economics suggests that bonuses and merit pay for intellectual labor (as opposed to manual labor) are actually anti-productive. All it is is going to do is focus everyone’s thoughts on money, and thinking about money kills creativity and productivity. Better to just pay teachers (or whoever) decently enough that they don’t need to be preoccupied with money, and then focus on improving teaching substantively – e.g., better training, better “science of teaching”, and shuffling genuinely poor or unmotivated teachers into a different field.

  13. jack lecou says:

    EngineerScotty: “many seem to instead promote what I’ll call the Trickle-Over Theory: If public-sector workers are paid “above market” wages, it will drive up salaries for comparable jobs in the private sector.”

    I work for a decent sized public sector union, and I have never heard this theory.

    To start with, I think we’d be quite happy if public sector workers were just paid, say, market wages, never mind above market. And we’d probably settle for just holding our own at this point, and not letting them slide further back. And public sector workers already tend to make quite a bit less for equivalent jobs and education levels.

    Heck, we’d probably be pretty happy if that were just a more widely acknowledged fact…

    Second, although I’ve never heard this theory as you state it, there are a couple of related points which I think DO have merit.

    1. Slashing the public sector indiscriminately is almost certainly hurting everyone. For example, this recession would likely be much shorter and shallower if aid to states would have been sufficient to prevent widespread cuts – both because of the counter-cyclical stimulus that would have constituted (and the pro-cyclical stimulus it would have forestalled), and because of the services those workers could have provided directly.

    2. I’m not sure about any “trickle over theory” for justifying increases to public sector compensation, but the inverse theory is certainly in operation: i.e., the “we don’t get that so why should you” theory of public sector compensation. For example, this kind of race-to-the-bottom logic is almost invariably what debates about public sector pensions come down to. Somehow nobody ever says “hey, we deserve a secure retirement too,” they just think “hey, lets tear everything down and make sure NOBODY can get a secure retirement”…

  14. jack lecou says:

    A few more thoughts:

    I think AWC is dead on with the point about countervailing power. It’s not enough to have the theoretically correct policy. You also need to have the institutional power to actually get it implemented, or at least force the second best. Without unions – preferably unions that have a broader base of support than they do now – it’s not clear to me where that power can come from.

    Also, as lark points out, the globalization/global poverty issue is complicated, and simplistic “free labor market” dogmas are quite flawed.

    But it’s also not the case that helping someone “over there” should require hurting someone over here. And unions have historically been as guilty as anyone of buying into exactly that kind of zero-sum thinking.

    I think there’s signs that some of them are moving on from that, out of necessity if nothing else, and I think that’s hopeful. Unions can and should be important agents for good, and moving away from the siege mentality with some fresh ideas can only be for the better. I think there’s probably a more effective, cooperative approach out there that isn’t simply a face off between free-market dogmas and protectivist populism.

  15. Freddie says:

    People are complaining about a lack of introspection on the pro-labor left, but the comments here betray an awful lack of self-knowledge too. To whit: it is a false dilemma, and always has been, to say that you can either care about American workers or the global poor. It is, was, and will be a perverse attitude to say that moving American quality of life steadily downward is a condition that should be pursued by the left, even if it means creating a more egalitarian global condition. The goal should not be to squeeze down American workers until they meet third world workers at the bottom. And the idea that it should comes primarily from people who will never themselves see their own wages similarly squeezed.

    As far as who the @($*&^% I am– I’m just me, some guy. If one’s interest in blogs is in cultivating microcelebrity, I assure you, I will never be successful. If the idea is to generate ideas and opinion, I think things went rather well.

  16. Jack,

    You make good points. As a transit blogger/advocate who is primarily concerned with increasing urban mobility, the cost of labor is an issue which severely affects the amount of mobility which can be delivered: the biggest piece of a transit agency’s operating budget is labor, and one major argument for constructing mass transit (as opposed to simply running busses everywhere) is that it offers greater operational efficiency, which is essentially a sterile way of saying “we can move more people with fewer operators”. If this means the same number of operators are deployed to provide greater service, this is a Good Thing. If this means that operators are laid off, and service hours aren’t increased, not so much.

    Interestingly enough, the main source of opposition to capital transit projects comes from an alliance of interests on the right and left. Many right-winger support spending any tax dollars on transit whatsoever, beyond what is necessarily to support a minimalist “social service” bus system; and some on the left likewise object, both out of concern for transit jobs (as noted above), and in some cases, out of (a reasonable) fear that such projects frequently represent a shift of service from poor urban communities to wealthier suburban ones.

    The main issue, though, is that different factions in the working class are being forced to argue over scraps. (And as Freddie notes, American workers are being pitted against their overseas brethren; this should NOT be about US labor vs Chinese labor, many of whom are not much enjoying the fruits of China’s rise to global power). Public transit is typically provided by special purpose agencies which lack plenary taxing authority; as a result, the interests of riders and drivers are frequently in conflict. The solution which would benefit both (higher taxes on the wealthy to adequately fund service and provide reasonable wages) is consistently off the table. A similar argument applies to education and many other public services.

    At any rate–I’ve heard quite a few transit union advocates here in town argue that their wages and benefits boost the working class as a whole. Perhaps it does, to some small extent–but when the driver of the bus makes more money than any of his passengers, more often than not the reaction of the folks in back is that the guy in front is overpaid and gaming the system, not that the system is screwing them all, and that the guy in front is one of the few who has working arrangements which are (for the time being) able to resist being screwed.

    But you’re right; the problem isn’t that bus drivers make too much money, it’s that the folks riding the bus don’t make enough. (I have more to say on the subject here).

    The big challenge for the left–neoliberal, trade-unionist, whatever–is to convince the economically depressed among the Tea Partiers to abandon their cultural resentments and grievances, and to discover the real reason their jobs are all gone to China or wherever. This will be a tough nut to crack.

  17. Obviously, the above ought to say “many right wingers oppose spending money on transit projects”, not support. Dang brain farts…

  18. jack lecou says:

    At any rate–I’ve heard quite a few transit union advocates here in town argue that their wages and benefits boost the working class as a whole. Perhaps it does, to some small extent–but when the driver of the bus makes more money than any of his passengers, more often than not the reaction of the folks in back is that the guy in front is overpaid and gaming the system, not that the system is screwing them all, and that the guy in front is one of the few who has working arrangements which are (for the time being) able to resist being screwed.

    That’s interesting. It does seem like there’s some merit to the argument, at least to the extent that transit drivers are paid well, but also more likely than similarly paid white collar workers to live in poorer working class neighborhoods.

    But you’re right – that sort of thing doesn’t really fly if the people you’re trying to convince are already getting paid a quarter of that. It definitely has the ring of the sort of self-serving talking point that a union might brainstorm to see what sticks, and/or the kind of argument that you might try to make in a selective context (e.g., to city technocrats), but that sounds bad when it leaks to the wider world.

    One thing I didn’t see you mention is the effect of overtime. I know that in many transit agencies it’s that, and not so much wages, that is the really big line item. I suspect it’s one of the irrational “penny wise, pound foolish” kind of effects you see from top-down style budget cutting: cuts are handed down, layoffs are made, and yet all the same work needs to be done. So somehow you end up with 100 workers working 150% of full time. And you’re getting killed on overtime expenses — it would be cheaper just to employ 150 workers, like you did in the first place. You see that kind of thing all over the place. (Alternatively, another thing we see all too much of these days is mandatory unpaid overtime. Social workers, for example, who are under pressure from bosses to put in 12 hour days but then fake their time sheets to say they worked 8.)

    Of course, the modern private sector’s solution to this is even worse. They’d employ 200 poorly treated part time workers, not pay for any health insurance or retirement, and deal with the inevitable sky high turnover rate by skimping on training. A real recipe for success, that.

    I think we can agree that what we really need to do is just pay everyone decently. Decently enough that people can take some pride in their work, and make a career out of it if they want to. It’s going to be a long struggle to get to there though.


  19. One thing I didn’t see you mention is the effect of overtime. I know that in many transit agencies it’s that, and not so much wages, that is the really big line item. I suspect it’s one of the irrational “penny wise, pound foolish” kind of effects you see from top-down style budget cutting: cuts are handed down, layoffs are made, and yet all the same work needs to be done. So somehow you end up with 100 workers working 150% of full time. And you’re getting killed on overtime expenses — it would be cheaper just to employ 150 workers, like you did in the first place. You see that kind of thing all over the place. (Alternatively, another thing we see all too much of these days is mandatory unpaid overtime. Social workers, for example, who are under pressure from bosses to put in 12 hour days but then fake their time sheets to say they worked 8.)

    I’m not sure overtime is more expensive than hiring additional staff, if one assumes that said additional staff will need to be paid benefits. Right now, TriMet’s benefits are quite generous (medical fully covered), though the agency is trying to play hardball with the union in order to get employees to pick up some of that. But with rising healthcare costs, it’s probably cheaper to go ahead and pay the time and a half.

  20. jack lecou says:

    Freddie:
    To whit: it is a false dilemma, and always has been, to say that you can either care about American workers or the global poor. It is, was, and will be a perverse attitude to say that moving American quality of life steadily downward is a condition that should be pursued by the left, even if it means creating a more egalitarian global condition.

    I think that’s something of a straw man. You’ll note that Ryan didn’t say the traditional left had failed to be gung ho enough about “moving American quality of life steadily downward”. He said that it has defended an unacceptable status quo by supporting trade and immigration barriers.

    And it certainly has supported — and continues to support — such barriers. I know that in the labor circles I swim in it is an article of faith that NAFTA has been a great evil perpetrated on labor and the American work force. AFAIK, the evidence suggests that this isn’t really the case, and at the same time that it has been at least somewhat helpful to poorer Mexican workers (all else equal, anyway). Much of labor’s rank and file also remains quite hostile to immigration, although I think the leadership at least has turned a corner.

    So, as I mentioned in my earlier comment, I think labor deserves some criticism for promoting exactly the sort of false dichotomy you’re criticizing here. It’d be one thing to say “we can do better for ourselves AND help others,” but labor and the left has spent a lot of time over the last couple decades saying something more like, “we can’t help anyone else, we need to help ourselves first!”

  21. One issue I have with protectionism-as-commonly-implemented, is that ignores the mobility of capital. Labor is generally not mobile–legally working in another country beyond that where you have citizenship is often difficult, and wealthy countries (including the US) frequently erect barriers to exclude the poor from their neighbors. The EU permits easy migration within its member states, but not from outside. OTOH, China is unusual in that it makes it difficult to move WITHIN the country to find jobs elsewhere: A poor farmer in Xinjiang or some other rural province can’t simply pack up and move to Shanghai; he needs permission from local authorities to do so, and such permission is uniquely denied. (Thus China has the unusual phenomenon of migrant workers within a country–travelling workers who go where there are jobs, but who are not entitled to stay long term).

    Capital, on the other hand, is readily mobile–it’s easy to move money across international boundaries FTMP.

    Rather than focusing on erecting trade barriers–restrictions on the migration of goods, perhaps it would be better to examine the restrictions or lack thereof, on the migration of people and money?

    Just a thought.

  22. jack lecou says:

    But with rising healthcare costs, it’s probably cheaper to go ahead and pay the time and a half.

    Hmm. Probably so. Got a little carried away.

  23. Matt says:

    This was a rather strange post. Ryan basically frames his argument about why a pro-labor hardcore left in the blogosphere doesn’t exist by arguing against the merits of those politics.

    Now he may be right that the politics of those groups lack merit (personally I disagree,) but that doesn’t explain why there are mainstream voices on the neo-liberal left, the right, the libertarian, etc., but none on what DeBoer has described as the true left. Presumably Avent disagrees with many of the politics in the mainstream, yet they all exist as a part of the conversation.

    In many ways this post illustrates the problem with the lack of a true left in the mainstream: there is serious lack of mainstream bloggers to respond to his points.

    For instance, he writes (with a clearly disapproving attitude): “t was easier to be sympathetic to labor when it was winning limits on truly heinous business practices rather than fighting against merit-based pay for excellent teachers.” Now there are many folks (myself included) who would see this as a deeply misguided and ahistorical statement. Misguided because it makes some very debatable assumptions. First, it implies that a major part of what unions are doing these days is standing in the way of reforms. Second, it assumes those reforms are obviously the correct ones. Ahistorical, because it contrasts that with what unions have done in the past when in reality, unions in the 40s, 50s, and 60s were standing in the way of reforms that a certain part of the political spectrum believed were necessary.

    These are perfectly valid issues to discuss and differ upon, but the problem DeBoer is highlighting is that there is no mainstream voice to counter Avent’s very debatable statement.

  24. jack lecou says:

    This was a rather strange post. Ryan basically frames his argument about why a pro-labor hardcore left in the blogosphere doesn’t exist by arguing against the merits of those politics.

    Umm. Did we read the same post? I think you may have missed the point.